Report to ESRC for Sweeps 1 and 2

May 2001

Contents

Background

Objectives

Methods

Ethics and data protection

Advisory Group

Access and relationships with other organisations

Rates of participation and response

Questionnaire development and piloting

Fieldwork in schools

Teachers’ questionnaire

Social work and children’s hearing records

Personal interviews

Mapping social geography and crime patterns

Analysis

Results

Activities

Outputs

Impacts

Future Research Priorities


Background

The Edinburgh Study of Youth Transitions and Crime is a longitudinal study of around 4,300 young people who started at secondary schools in the City of Edinburgh in August 1998, when most were between 11½ and 12½ years old. The study aims to further our understanding of criminal offending in young people by studying it in three contexts: the physical and social structure of neighbourhoods, the individual’s development through the life course, and interactions with the official apparatus of social work and law enforcement. It is assumed that the domains interact: for example, particular styles of parenting are sustained or subverted by the practices and norms prevailing in the neighbourhood (Bronfenbrenner 1979; Sampson and Laub 1993).

By far the most important previous British study in this field is the Cambridge Study of Delinquent Development (Farrington and West, 1990). The Edinburgh Study builds on the Cambridge Study, but coming 40 years later addresses a substantially different set of intellectual and policy questions, and accordingly adopts a substantially different design. It sets out to produce results that can be compared with those from contemporary longitudinal studies, especially those in Chicago, Pittsburgh, Rochester, and Denver.

First, the Edinburgh Study focuses on gender differences, whereas the Cambridge Study was confined to males. It is because rates of convictions and arrests are several times higher among males than females that earlier studies concentrated on males. Equally important is the interaction between victimisation and offending, and the fact that patterns of victimisation are also substantially different for males and females. It has not been helpful to exclude this prime source of variation from the field of study, and the Edinburgh Study helps to redress the balance.

Second, the Edinburgh Study is not concerned with the childhood origins of criminal inclinations: instead, it aims to explain why such inclinations are sometimes translated into serious, frequent, and persistent criminal offending, but often are not; and why some criminal careers end much sooner than others. It starts, therefore, around the age of 12, and aims to continue up to the age of around 30. Although individual differences in offending can be predicted fairly well from an early age, the substantial limitation of such predictions is that many difficult children turn out not to have serious criminal careers). It is likely that the overall rate of crime will be strongly influenced by the rate at which antisocial children are ‘converted’ into serious criminals. There is a strong body of theory in criminology that deals with the influences of official systems (social workers, courts, the police) and wider social processes on this ‘rate of conversion’ into a life of crime. The Edinburgh Study aims to develop these ideas and evaluate them against a solid body of evidence.

Third, the Edinburgh Study aims to integrate the study of individual differences and life histories with the study of the effects of communities and broader social context. It aims to explain how structural characteristics of neighbourhoods (use of space, daily routines, economic activities, density of social networks) influence crime rates over and above the characteristics of the individuals found in them. It will also investigate the interactions between individuals and neighbourhoods: for example, impulsive individuals may be at risk of becoming offenders in certain neighbourhoods, but not in others. Integrating these levels of explanation is the project now at the leading edge of empirical criminology.

Objectives

  1. To investigate from early adolescence onwards the processes leading to involvement in criminal offending and desistance from it.

  2. To elaborate and test possible explanations for the striking contrast between males and females in criminal offending; and to use these explanations to build a better theory of male as well as female offending.

  3. To integrate individual and ecological approaches through interpreting individual offending histories in relation to the social and physical structure of neighbourhoods, and the dynamics of local communities.

  4. To monitor the influence of interactions with the social services and criminal justice systems (police, children’s hearings, courts) on the subsequent behaviour of young people.

  5. To contribute towards the development and empirical evaluation of a theory of criminal behaviour which grows out of social control theory, incorporates important insights from other theories, and takes account of individual development through the life course, the physical and social structure of neighbourhoods and communities, and interactions with the social services and criminal justice systems.

The present grant was to cover the first three calendar years, including the first two sweeps of data collection, on this longitudinal programme which is intended to run for many years. The longitudinal study, and associated studies, have been established as planned (see next section). Progress towards achieving the overall objectives of the programme, set out above, is as expected at this stage. All five objectives are addressed in the report of findings submitted with this report. As we follow the trajectory of the cohort of young people over a longer period, we will address each of the objectives again.

Methods

Full details of methods are given in the Technical Report which has been made available to ESRC along with the report of findings.

The core of the study is a cohort of 4,300 young people aged 11½ to 12½ at the start of fieldwork in the autumn of 1998, when they entered secondary school. Essentially the cohort consists of all the young people in the City of Edinburgh in the relevant age group. The strategy is to collect information from multiple sources about all members of the cohort once a year. At each sweep the period covered is the previous 12 months, so that the study provides a continuous account of events in the lives of the cohort, and not just an account of selected time segments. The advantages of this design, which focuses on the largest possible number of young people within a single city, are discussed in the paper by Smith and McVie that is submitted with this report. Closely integrated with the cohort study is a parallel study of social geography and crime patterns in Edinburgh, which primarily makes use of data from the 1991 census and police-recorded crime data. This makes it possible to analyse the findings for cohort members in the light of the characteristics of the neighbourhoods where they live.

At the first two sweeps, information about individual cohort members was collected from questionnaires normally completed in the classroom; from the files of the City of Edinburgh Social Work Department; from the files of the Scottish Children’s Hearing Reporters Administration; and from school records. At the second sweep, pastoral teachers completed a short questionnaire about each cohort member.

The first, major, exercise in mapping the social geography of Edinburgh made use of 1991 census data and police-recorded crime data for 1997.

We carried out case studies of two Edinburgh neighbourhoods with similar social composition but contrasting crime patterns.

Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 40 young people selected from the cohort.

An initial, detailed analysis of findings from the first two sweeps was carried out. Multivariate analysis is currently in progress.

Ethics and data protection

It is important to ensure that the study is carried out with the informed consent of parents and children, and that no child or parent can be harmed by taking part. The Data Protection Acts prevent a court from requiring the researchers to hand over information obtained solely for the purposes of research, for example to aid a criminal investigation. This means that we are able to offer children and their parents an absolute assurance of confidentiality, with one qualification. This arises because the child protection guidelines of the education department of the City of Edinburgh state that any disclosure of physical or sexual abuse must be reported to the appropriate school authorities. For that reason, no direct questions about abuse by adults will be asked until respondents reach the age of 16. On the rare occasions (two in the first three years) when respondents provide unsolicited information, researchers report the matter to a pastoral teacher, and also encourage the child to report it.

At the beginning of the study, a two-page letter from the researchers with a covering letter from the head teacher was posted by schools to parents. The letter set out the purposes of the study, and clearly described each of its elements. Parents who wished to withdraw their children from the study were invited to return a tear-off slip. On the first occasion that children were asked to complete a questionnaire, they were given a single sheet summarising the purposes of the study, describing the main elements, and explaining how the confidentiality of the information would be maintained. At this point, and on all subsequent occasions, children could decline to participate. Parents are sent a newsletter about the study about once a year, which in future will contain a summary of key findings. Parents are always given the opportunity to withdraw if any new element is added to the study.

Advisory Group

An Advisory Group was established under the Chairmanship of Professor Sir Michael Rutter of the Institute of Psychiatry, London, and met for the first time on 26 May 1998. The members comprise senior representatives from all the agencies involved in the study, including education, police, social work, the children’s reporter, the Scottish Executive, the Home Office, independent schools, state schools, and parents, together with several academics and practitioners with an interest or involvement in research into crime and young people. The Advisory Group meets formally once a year, but is regularly kept informed of progress and approached for advice at key stages of the study.

Access and relationships with other organisations

The research can only be carried out with the close co-operation of a range of organisations, including the City of Edinburgh Department of Education and individual state schools, independent schools in Edinburgh, the city’s Department of Social work, the Scottish Children’s Hearing Administration and its Edinburgh office, and the Lothian and Borders Police. Our initial, formal approach to the education department was followed by a series of presentations to the Director of Education, the Convener of the Education Committee, head teachers, and the Parents’ Consultative Committee. In February 1998 the Education Committee, and shortly after the full Council, agreed in principle that the Edinburgh schools could participate, although final agreement had to be sought from individual schools. Separate approaches were then made to the other organisations, and to the individual independent schools. The study has received a remarkable degree of support and active participation from these organisations. The only small qualification is that a few independent schools refused to participate (see below).

Rates of participation and response

A total of 49 schools in Edinburgh were approached to take part in the study, including mainstream state schools, special needs schools, and independent schools. All of the mainstream schools agreed to take part, 9 of the 12 special needs schools, and 8 of the 14 independent schools. Of all independent school pupils, 63 per cent were in participating schools (at sweep 1), and 75 per cent of special needs pupils were in participating schools. Overall, 92 per cent of Edinburgh pupils at sweep 1 were in participating schools. Although new pupils were allowed into the cohort at sweep 2, these percentages remained very similar.

Parents were given the opportunity to withdraw their children from the study, and the young people themselves could decline to participate. Of all children in the participating schools, 3.5 per cent were withdrawn or opted out at sweep 1, and this proportion declined slightly at sweep 2. The proportion opted out was the same at mainstream state and independent schools (but as expected, higher at special needs schools), which suggests there was no systematic bias according to social class. Questionnaires were completed at both sweeps for nearly all (over 99 per cent) of those in scope (who had not been withdrawn by their parents or opted out).

Questionnaire development and piloting

The sweep 1 questionnaire was developed after a systematic trawl of the literature and collation of questionnaires used in current and recent longitudinal studies focusing on crime. Very close attention was given to making the questions understandable and interesting for the age group. There were several stages of pilot work at both sweeps, carried out at schools outside Edinburgh (so that members of the cohort would not be involved). This moved from qualitative and open methods, through trials of short sections, to a full-scale pilot of the whole procedure.

Fieldwork in schools

Most children filled in the questionnaires in the classroom, under the close supervision of one or two researchers. All children were carefully briefed about the purposes and methods of the study before they began, and had the opportunity to withdraw. Children with reading or writing difficulties were given help adapted to the level of the difficulties. This usually involved reading the questions out to them. In the most difficult cases, they were interviewed on a one-to-one basis. Recalls were made to find children not present on the first occasion. Where children were still not present after several recalls, researchers made efforts to contact them at home.

Teachers’ questionnaire

The teachers’ questionnaire consisted of a shortened version of the Goodman Strengths and Difficulties Scale. Teachers’ questionnaires were completed during the autumn term of 1999 for 94.2 per cent of members of the cohort included in sweep 2.

Social work and children’s hearing records

Monitoring forms were designed so that relevant information could be transferred for every member of the cohort who had had contact with the social work department, and, separately, with the children’s hearing system. A total of 468 cohort members were identified as potentially having a social work record by the department’s central computer system. Files were found for 363 of these young people (further details in the Technical Report). It is likely that most of the remainder were either incorrectly shown as having a file, or had had little contact overall, and no recent contact. Children’s hearing records were identified for 374 members of the cohort, and 356 of these files were successfully located. At sweep 1, information was collected about contacts with the agencies at any time up to August 1998. At sweep 2, information was collected about contacts during the 12 months ending August 1999.

Personal interviews

A total of 40 semi-structured interviews were carried out in the summer of 2000 with a sample of boys and girls selected from the cohort to include a larger group of frequent offenders and a smaller group with low offending scores. Interviews were tape-recorded and transcribed in full.

Mapping social geography and crime patterns

Mapping the social geography and crime patterns of Edinburgh was a large undertaking which involved bringing together data from a number of sources and processing it in a variety of ways (see Chapter 14 of the report of findings). As one outcome of this process, Edinburgh was divided into 91 neighbourhoods, choosing the boundaries so as to maximise the homogeneity of each neighbourhood, and hence the contrasts between them. The main criterion used was an index of social and economic stress derived from six census variables. Post-codes were obtained for the home addresses of most cohort members, so that each one could be assigned to a neighbourhood. From this point on, there were two datasets: one containing 91 cases (neighbourhoods); the other containing 4,300 cases (cohort members). Information could be exchanged between the datasets. Information about individuals could be analysed by reference to characteristics of their neighbourhood, and neighbourhoods could be characterised according to information derived from cohort members living in them.

Analysis

The first stage of the analysis is described in the report of findings. This involved deriving a large number of scores to summarise results across groups of questions. Next, basic results were described in detail, with an emphasis on examining relationships between a wide range of variables and self-reported offending. The pattern of relationships was found to be very different, depending on whether the analysis was at the individual or at the neighbourhood level. An extensive programme of multivariate modelling is now starting. This will focus on attempting to predict, or explain, self-reported offending, victimisation (including bullying), and adversarial police contact. Explaining change from sweep 1 to sweep 2 will also be a major objective. There will be an intensive examination of the relative importance of neighbourhood and individual characteristics in explaining both offending and victimisation.

Results

The research report (submitted with this overall report) sets out results from the first two sweeps in some detail. Here we pick out a few key findings and show how they relate to a central theoretical idea that we are developing to interpret them. We would emphasise the following seven conclusions.

1. Victimisation and offending emerge out of closely linked processes and interactions. The links are so close that experience of being a victim of crime or delinquency is one of the most powerful predictors of offending in 12 or 13 year olds. As victimisation is bound up with offending, so are many of its correlates similar.

2. Three personality characteristics are linked both with delinquency and with victimisation: impulsivity (very strongly correlated with delinquency, rather less strongly with victimisation); alienation, expressed for example in feelings of persecution (very strongly correlated with victimisation, rather less strongly with delinquency); and low self-esteem (rather weakly correlated with both).

3. Although self-reported delinquency at the age of 12 or 13 is getting on for twice as common in boys as in girls, the same explanatory model seems to apply to both. For example, the pattern of relationships between delinquency, victimisation, and personality is almost identical among males and females.

4. Social class, family background, and deprivation are only weakly related to self-reported offending at the individual level among this age group, but the official systems tend strongly to target boys and those belonging to deprived or lower class groups. In part, this targeting is of neighbourhoods rather than individuals. Consequently, boys from the lower classes are much more likely than others to have adversarial contact with the police, and to end up with children’s hearing files, especially ones showing evidence of offending.

5. There are strong correlations between parenting styles and delinquency, making it highly likely that the influence of parents is crucial. The pattern of these relationships is intriguing. The parenting style that is successful, in terms of reducing delinquency, combines close supervision with low conflict and a high level of trust, allowing the child to believe that he or she has a degree of autonomy.

6. The findings fit with Moffitt’s distinction between adolescence-limited and life-course persistent offending. On this theory, life-course persistent offending is linked with personality characteristics originating in early childhood, whereas adolescence-limited offending is not. This would explain why personality characteristics are more closely linked with offending at sweep 1 than at sweep 2 (when more adolescence-limited offenders will have entered the picture). On this theory, the more rapid increase in offending between age 12 and 13 in girls than in boys reflects earlier development associated with puberty and with adolescence-limited offending.

7. Whereas deprivation is only weakly linked with offending at the individual level, it is strongly linked with crime (police-recorded or self-reported) at the level of the neighbourhood. But these neighbourhood differences in crime rates, which are very marked, do not arise directly out of poverty or deprivation. Rather, they correspond to differences in collective efficacy, or the capacity of groups to regulate behaviour according to common standards. This can vary widely between neighbourhoods with similar levels of deprivation. There is evidence that that the critical factor influencing neighbourhood crime rates is not the density of social networks, but the capacity of residents to mobilise their connections for the specific purpose of controlling crime and disorder.

These key findings can be interpreted within a common framework that understands crime as a breakdown of negotiated order. This is a development of theoretical ideas ultimately originating from Max Weber. Even in a slave society, the exercise of power is not primarily through direct physical force, but through shaping objectives, priorities, perceptions, moral precepts, and ideology. Power is ultimately backed by the threat of force, but the threat cannot be implemented without control of minds, otherwise, for example, the police or the army may rebel. Hence, power without legitimacy is always insecure, and even in authoritarian systems leaders have to negotiate in order to achieve legitimacy. In that sense, order always depends on negotiation to some degree. In democratic societies, there is an explicit recognition that the legitimacy of the political order depends, and should depend, on transparency, information, discussion, negotiation, flexibility, the possibility of redress, openness to change. In late modern societies, these values tend to be re-emphasised more and more, as power is drained from the state and gradually re-distributed among various other centres.

In contemporary societies, therefore, order cannot be brutally imposed by a simple hierarchy, even if that was possible at any earlier period, which also seems unlikely. Instead, order has to be negotiated, and repeatedly re-negotiated, between parties who are in an unequal power relationship. For example, the management of prisons in England & Wales have been seeking, largely successfully, to regain control over the past ten years. The evidence is that control has been regained by negotiation with prisoners from a position of strength, and by persuading most prisoners that the discipline imposed by the management is legitimate, justifiable, and for the most part fair.

Crime and delinquency in the wider society, like prison riots, can be seen as a breakdown of negotiated order. This is clearly the best way to understand (5) above, the link between styles of parenting and delinquency. Parents who successfully control their children do so by negotiating agreed limits, and also negotiating about case law (would wearing this dress, or going to that party, overstep the agreed boundary?). Because the rules and their application in particular cases are transparent, open to discussion and bargaining, the child (rightly) has a sense of autonomy, which encourages the development of an inner moral compass. Also the child is autonomous because he or she, not the parent, decides what to do; the parent is only involved in discussion about whether this would overstep a boundary. This kind of relationship, although often leading to conflicts, leads to much less conflict in the long run than an authoritarian relationship, in which the parent tries, usually unsuccessfully, to dictate to the child, or in other words decide for the child from day to day. Also, such an authoritarian relationship discourages the development of independent moral judgement, and therefore fails to nurture self-control.

The close link between impulsivity and offending (point (2) above) can best be understood within this larger framework. There may be neurophysiological or biological origins of a lack of impulse control, but these are expressed and modified by an enormous range of social interactions. Broadly, young people are better able to gain control over impulses, and thereby enhance their capacity to choose and achieve what they desire, if they develop within a framework of negotiated order. This also helps to explain the close links between victimisation and offending (point (1) above), and with other personality attributes. Our findings suggest that victimisation causes feelings of alienation or persecution, and that people with low impulse control may deal with these feelings by exacting retribution, leading to delinquency in the next phase of the cycle. Because offenders and victims are often the same people, and commit offences on others in their own neighbourhood or social circle, the cycle is hard to break. One way of understanding the process is to say that people are trying to impose a fractured and illegitimate order of their own, in the absence of a larger framework of order that has been successfully negotiated among all of the parties. It is significant that both delinquency and victimisation are associated with alienation, which includes a failure of integration into a wider set of social relationships and norms. Both are also weakly associated with a loss of self-esteem, no doubt because self-esteem derives from these wider social relationships.

So far we find that the explanatory model is the same for boys and girls (point (3) above), which leaves us without an explanation for the wide difference in their rates of delinquency. One clue is that the social reaction to deviance among boys and girls seems to be entirely different (point (4) above). To put this another way, it is much more likely that official bodies will negotiate with girls about their behaviour, whereas the response to boys is more likely to be authoritarian. Lower levels of aggression in girls, a more collective and less individually competitive approach, and better verbal skills, make it more likely that they will attempt to negotiate, and be receptive to negotiations initiated by others. For all of these reasons, it may be easier to achieve negotiated order with girls than boys, and evidence from future sweeps will be used to test that idea.

It will be particularly important to negotiate order with adolescence-limited offenders (point (6) above) since otherwise problems connected with youth transitions may turn into long-term criminal careers. In addition, many of those who seem at an early age to have the hallmarks of a lifetime persistent offender turn out not to engage in serious or persistent offending, so the possibilities of achieving negotiated order are not confined to those whose delinquency is a passing phase.

The striking differences in crime rates between neighbourhoods (point (7) above) seem to result from mechanisms for ordering social relations that emerge out of a complex web of relationships: the collective efficacy of neighbourhoods in controlling crime is not imposed from the top of a hierarchy, but arises from processes of negotiation between different individuals and interest groups occupying the social space.

Although not highlighted in the key findings above, moral concepts and values are found to be closely related to delinquency at age 12 and 13, and of course constitute an essential part of the ideological apparatus through which negotiated order is achieved. The children’s hearing system in Scotland is explicitly an attempt to use the principles of negotiated order in dealings with young delinquents. Later phases of this research will cast light on how effectively it puts those principles into practice.

Activities

In January 1998 we held a two-day colloquium on Crime and the Life Course, funded by the Faculty of Law, which was attended by a dozen leading scholars who are currently working on longitudinal studies with a focus on crime in the USA, New Zealand, Sweden, and the UK. This provided a substantial input to the development of the more detailed plans for the Edinburgh study, and established firm links with the leading research teams worldwide.

The theme of the biennial Scottish Criminology Conference held in September 1998 (organised by McAra and Smith), was Communities, Solidarity and Crime. We invited the leading American scholar, Robert Sampson, to give a plenary presentation on aspects of the longitudinal study of crime in Chicago. A number of British scholars currently undertaking research on communities and crime gave workshop presentations. At the following Scottish Criminology Conference, in September 2000, members of the Edinburgh Study research team gave a workshop presentation on the analytic approach and methods adopted

Members of the research team have given a series of conference papers as follows:

McAra, McVie, Shute and Smith ‘The Edinburgh Study of Youth Transitions and Crime’ University of Edinburgh, Centre for Law and Society seminar series, February 1998.

McAra, invited paper relating to the cohort’s contacts with the Children’s Hearings System at a conference on the Scottish Juvenile Justice System, organised by the British Council for the Chief Minister of Justice for Thailand and a visiting delegation of Thai Magistrates, July 2000.

McAra and McVie, ‘Gender, Social Control and Violent Crime’ invited paper at a conference organised by the ESRC Programme on Violence, September 2000.

McVie and Woodward, ‘Policy Implications of the Edinburgh Study, ’ invited paper at a colloquium on Youth Justice and Crime organised by the Home Office Research, Development and Statistics Directorate, April 2000.

Smith, invited paper at a conference organised by Children in Scotland on the theme of Children, Families and Early Intervention: Preventing Anti-Social Behaviour, August 1998.

Smith, invited paper at the Annual Conference of the Royal Society of Medicine on the theme of Routes of Violence in Children and Young People, March 1999.

Smith, invited paper at a conference organised by the American Psychology and Law Society in conjunction with the European Association of Psychology and Law, on the theme of Thresholds for Crime and Punishment for Adolescent Offenders, July 1999.

Smith, ‘The Edinburgh Study: Early Findings’ The Howard League Lecture, December 1999.

Smith, ‘ The Edinburgh Study of Youth Transitions and Crime’, University of Edinburgh, Social Policy Seminar series December 1999.

Smith, invited paper at a conference organised by the University of Athens on the theme of Minorities and Social Exclusion in June 2000.

Smith, invited paper at the Dartington Child-Care Research Seminar, July 2000

Smith, invited paper at the Annual Conference of the Royal College of Psychiatry on the theme of Identifying Potential Offenders with Severe Personality Disorders: Can we do it? July 2000

Forthcoming Lectures and Conference Papers

Smith will present findings at the European Society of Criminology Conference in September 2001.

        Smith has been invited to give the annual SACRO McClintock Lecture in October 2001.

Outputs

Smith is currently devoting his sabbatical year to analysis and writing up (in collaboration with other members of the team). McAra will take a sabbatical in 2001/2002. During his current sabbatical, Smith will complete a book and several articles presenting findings from the Edinburgh Study.

To date, one article has been accepted for publication by the Journal of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry ( J. Shute, ‘Psychosocial risk in adolescence: individual difference, problem behaviour and victimisation in a young adolescent cohort’); and a second has been submitted to the British Journal of Criminology (D. J. Smith and S. McVie, ‘Theory and Methods in the Edinburgh Study of Youth Transitions and Crime’). Smith situated the study within a more general account of the purposes of criminology in an inaugural lecture given at the University of Edinburgh in May 1999 and later published in a revised form (‘Less Crime Without More Punishment’, Edinburgh Law Review Vol. 3 (1999), pp. 294-316). McAra included data from the study within a book chapter ‘The Scottish Juvenile Justice System: Policy and Practice’ in Winterdyk, J. (ed) Juvenile Justice Systems: International Perspectives Canadian Scholars’ Press, Toronto (in press).

Data from the second sweep of the study became available for analysis in January 2001. The research team is now in the process of completing a series of papers on the basis of this data: Flint and Shute ‘Developing Descriptions of Neighbourhood and Crime using Geographic information Systems’; Flint, Shute and Woodward ‘The Perception of Neighbourhood and Juvenile Offending’; McAra, McVie and Woodward ‘The Vagaries of Penal Control: Gender and Juvenile Justice’; Smith ‘Deprivation and Crime: the Individual vs. the Collective Level’; McAra and Smith ‘Negotiating Order: Gender, Crime and Community’.

A report of the findings from sweeps 1 and 2 has been prepared. The report will be used in the preparation of briefing papers for key user groups including the City of Edinburgh Council Education Committee, the Scottish Children’s Reporter Administration and the Scottish Executive.

The website is currently being developed as a mechanism for the dissemination of findings. It forms a key element of our strategy for feeding results back to participating children and their parents along with our annual newsletter.

The dataset for the first two sweeps is ready now to be deposited with the ESRC Data Archive. It will be deposited there once certain explanatory notes have been written, by the end of May 2001.

Impacts

Although it is still at an early stage in the life of the longitudinal study important links with user groups have already been forged.

Smith was invited by the Scottish Executive to participate in a one day conference on the use of longitudinal studies in policy development in December 2000. He is also a member of the Ministerial Steering Committee on Community Schools in Scotland. Since 1998 he has participated in the Crime and Justice Programme day in the annual course for future opinion leaders organised by Glasgow Common Purpose. In addition Smith has acted as a specialist adviser to the Scottish Consortium on Crime and Criminal Justice which reported in February 2001.

McVie is currently a member of a Scottish Executive Advisory Committee on drugs policy. She has also led a number of training sessions for Children’s Hearings Panel members using data from the study.

The Home Office Research, Development and Statistics Directorate invited the research team to participate in a colloquium aimed at developing research and policy on youth offending in April 2000 (see outputs above).

Two ESRC case awards have been granted to develop aspects of the Edinburgh Study. The first of these is in conjunction with the Scottish Executive who have provided an additional £20,000 for a PhD student to conduct research on communities and crime. The results of this research will feed into Government policy on social inclusion and community crime prevention. The second case award is in conjunction with the Scottish Children’s Reporter Administration who will co-fund a PhD student to conduct research on factors influencing referral to Children’s Hearings and the effect of referral on subsequent criminal careers. This results of this research will contribute to the current review of youth crime and justice in Scotland. The case awards not only provide post-graduate training but also help to expand the research base within Scotland.

Plans are currently being made for Smith and McAra to present findings to Scottish Ministers.

Future Research Priorities

Early indications are that the research questions posed, and the methods used to tackle them, will prove extremely fruitful if pursued for a considerable number of years. Over the next couple of years, there will be a particular emphasis on analysing: contextual neighbourhood effects; contrasting patterns of development in girls and boys; the influence of family functioning (for which additional funding of £120,000 has been granted by the Nuffield Foundation); and the impact of formal agency intervention on the subsequent behaviour of the children as they negotiate the transition from the juvenile to adult criminal justice systems. Shute has begun a PhD in the School of Law, University of Edinburgh. Using data derived from our cohort he is exploring the relationship between formal and informal social controls with the aim of specifying the conditions for effective deterrence. This work will form an important additional component to the overall programme.

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